Bankers Fear World Economic Meltdown
By GABRIEL KOLKO
07/26/07 "Counterpunch"
-- -- There has
been a profound and fundamental change in the world economy over the
past decade. The very triumph of financial liberalization and
deregulation, one of the keystones of the “Washington consensus”
that the U.S. government, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and
World Bank have persistently and successfully attempted over the
past decades to implement, have also produced a deepening crisis
that its advocates scarcely expected.
The global financial structure is
today far less transparent than ever. There are many fewer
reporting demands imposed on those who operate in it. Financial
adventurers are constantly creating new “products” that defy both
nation-states and international banks. The IMF’s managing director,
Rodrigo de Rato, at the end of May 2006 deplored these new risks –
risks that the weakness of the U.S. dollar and its mounting trade
deficits have magnified greatly.
De Rato’s fears reflect the fact
that the IMF has been undergoing both structural and intellectual
crises. Structurally, its outstanding credit and loans have declined
dramatically since 2003, from over $70 billion to a little over $20
billion today, doubling its available resources and leaving it with
far less leverage over the economic policies of developing nations –
and even a smaller income than its expensive operations require. It
is now in deficit. A large part of its problems is due to the
doubling in world prices for all commodities since 2003 – especially
petroleum, copper, silver, zinc, nickel, and the like – that the
developing nations traditionally export. While there will be
fluctuations in this upsurge, there is also reason to think it may
endure because rapid economic growth in China, India, and elsewhere
has created a burgeoning demand that did not exist before – when the
balance-of-trade systematically favored the rich nations. The U.S.A.
has seen its net foreign asset position fall as Japan, emerging
Asia, and oil-exporting nations have become far more powerful over
the past decade, and they have increasingly become creditors to the
U.S.A. As the U.S. deficits mount with its imports being far greater
than its exports, the value of the dollar has been declining – 28
per cent against the euro from 2001 to 2005 alone. Even more,
the IMF and World Bank were severely chastened by the 1997-2000
financial meltdowns in East Asia, Russia, and elsewhere, and many of
its key leaders lost faith in the anarchic premises, descended from
classical laissez-faire economic thought, which guided its policy
advice until then. “…{O]ur knowledge of economic growth is extremely
incomplete,” many in the IMF now admit, and “more humility” on its
part is now warranted. The IMF claims that much has been done to
prevent the reoccurrence of another crisis similar to that of
1997-98, but the international economy has changed dramatically
since then and, as Stephen Roach of MorganStanley has warned, the
world “has done little to prepare itself for what could well be the
next crisis.”
The whole nature of the global
financial system has changed radically in ways that have nothing
whatsoever to do with “virtuous” national economic policies that
follow IMF advice – ways the IMF cannot control. The investment
managers of private equity funds and major banks have displaced
national banks and international bodies such as the IMF, moving well
beyond the existing regulatory structures. In many investment banks,
the traders have taken over from traditional bankers because buying
and selling shares, bonds, derivatives and the like now generate the
greater profits, and taking more and higher risks is now the rule
among what was once a fairly conservative branch of finance. They
often bet with house money. Low-interest rates have given them and
other players throughout the world a mandate to do new things,
including a spate of dubious mergers that were once deemed
foolhardy. There also fewer legal clauses to protect investors, so
that lenders are less likely than ever to compel mismanaged firms to
default. Aware that their bets are increasingly risky, hedge funds
are making it much more difficult to withdraw money they play with.
Traders have “re-intermediated” themselves between the traditional
borrowers – both national and individual – and markets, deregulating
the world financial structure and making it far more unpredictable
and susceptible of crises. They seek to generate high investment
returns – which is the key to their compensation – and they take
mounting risks to do so.
In March of this year the IMF
released Garry J. Schinasi’s book, Safeguarding Financial
Stability, giving it unusual prominence then and thereafter.
Schinasi’s book is essentially alarmist, and it both reveals and
documents in great and disturbing detail the IMF’s deep anxieties.
Essentially, “deregulation and liberalization,” which the IMF and
proponents of the “Washington consensus” advocated for decades, has
become a nightmare. It has created “tremendous private and social
benefits” but it also holds “the potential (although not necessarily
a high likelihood) for fragility, instability, systemic risk, and
adverse economic consequences.” Schinasi’s superbly documented book
confirms his conclusion that the irrational development of global
finance, combined with deregulation and liberalization, has “created
scope for financial innovation and enhanced the mobility of risks.”
Schinasi and the IMF advocate a radical new framework to monitor and
prevent the problems now able to emerge, but success “may have as
much to do with good luck” as policy design and market surveillance.
Leaving the future to luck is not what economics originally
promised. The IMF is desperate, and it is not alone. As the
Argentina financial meltdown proved, countries that do not succumb
to IMF and banker pressures can play on divisions within the IMF
membership -– particularly the U.S. –- bankers and others to avoid
many, although scarcely all, foreign demands. About $140 billion in
sovereign bonds to private creditors and the IMF were at stake,
terminating at the end of 2001 as the largest national default in
history. Banks in the 1990s were eager to loan Argentina money, and
they ultimately paid for it. Since then, however, commodity prices
have soared, the growth rate of developing nations in 2004 and 2005
was over double that of high income nations –- a pattern projected
to continue through 2008 –- and as early as 2003 developing
countries were already the source of 37 per cent of the foreign
direct investment in other developing nations. China accounts for a
great part of this growth, but it also means that the IMF and rich
bankers of New York, Tokyo, and London have much less leverage than
ever.
At the same time, the far greater
demand of hedge funds and other investors for risky loans, combined
with low-interest rates that allows hedge funds to use borrowed
money to make increasingly precarious bets, has also led to much
higher debt levels as borrowers embark on mergers and other
adventures that would otherwise be impossible.
Growing complexity is the order of
the world economy that has emerged in the past decade, and the
endless negotiations of the World Trade Organization have failed to
overcome the subsidies and protectionism that have thwarted a global
free trade agreement and end of threats of trade wars. Combined, the
potential for much greater instability – and greater dangers for the
rich – now exists in the entire world economy.
High-speed Global Economics
The global financial problem that is
emerging is tied into an American fiscal and trade deficit that is
rising quickly. Since Bush entered office in 2001 he has added over
$3 trillion to federal borrowing limits, which are now almost $9
trillion. So long as there is a continued devaluation of the U.S.
dollar, banks and financiers will seek to protect their money and
risky financial adventures will appear increasingly worthwhile. This
is the context, but Washington advocated greater financial
liberalization long before the dollar weakened. This conjunction of
factors has created infinitely greater risks than the proponents of
the “Washington consensus” ever believed possible.
There are now many hedge funds, with
which we are familiar, but they now deal in credit derivatives – and
numerous other financial instruments that have been invented since
then, and markets for credit derivative futures are in the offing.
The credit derivative market was almost nonexistent in 2001, grew
fairly slowly until 2004 and then went into the stratosphere,
reaching $17.3 trillion by the end of 2005.
What are credit derivatives? The
Financial Times’ chief capital markets writer, Gillian Tett,
tried to find out – but failed. About ten years ago some J.P. Morgan
bankers were in Boca Raton, Florida, drinking, throwing each other
into the swimming pool, and the like, and they came up with a notion
of a new financial instrument that was too complex to be easily
copied (financial ideas cannot be copyrighted) and which was sure to
make them money. But Tett was highly critical of its potential for
causing a chain reaction of losses that will engulf the hedge funds
that have leaped into this market. Warren Buffett, second
richest man in the world, who knows the financial game as well as
anyone, has called credit derivatives “financial weapons of mass
destruction.” Nominally insurance against defaults, they encourage
far greater gambles and credit expansion. Enron used them
extensively, and it was one secret of their success – and eventual
bankruptcy with $100 billion in losses. They are not monitored in
any real sense, and two experts called them “maddeningly opaque.”
Many of these innovative financial products, according to one
finance director, “exist in cyberspace” only and often are simply
tax dodges for the ultra-rich. It is for reasons such as these, and
yet others such as split capital trusts, collateralized debt
obligations, and market credit default swaps that are even more
opaque, that the IMF and financial authorities are so worried.
Banks simply do not understand the
chain of exposure and who owns what –- senior financial regulators
and bankers now admit this. The Long-Term Capital Management hedge
fund meltdown in 1998, which involved only about $5 billion in
equity, revealed this. The financial structure is now infinitely
more complex and far larger – the top 10 hedge funds alone in March
2006 had $157 billion in assets. Hedge funds claim to be honest but
those who guide them are compensated for the profits they make,
which means taking risks. But there are thousands of hedge funds and
many collect inside information, which is technically illegal but it
occurs anyway. The system is fraught with dangers, starting with the
compensation structure, but it also assumes a constantly rising
stock market and much, much else. Many fund managers are
incompetent. But the 26 leading hedge fund managers earned an
average of $363 million each in 2005; James Simons of Renaissance
Technologies earned $1.5 billion.
There is now a consensus that all
this, and much else, has created growing dangers. We can put aside
the persistence of imbalanced budgets based on spending increases or
tax cuts for the wealthy, much less the world’s volatile stock and
commodity markets which caused hedge funds this last May to show far
lower returns than they have in at least a year. It is anyone’s
guess which way the markets will go, and some will gain while others
lose. Hedge funds still make lots of profits, and by the spring of
2006 they were worth about $1.2 trillion worldwide, but they are
increasingly dangerous. More than half of them give preferential
treatment to certain big investors, and the U.S. Security and
Exchange Commission has since mid-June 2006 openly deplored the
practice because the panic, if not chaos, potential in such
favoritism is now too obvious to ignore. The practice is “a ticking
time bomb,” one industry lawyer described it. These credit risks –
risks that exist in other forms as well – seemed ready to
materialize when the Financial Times’ Tett reported at the
end of June that an unnamed investment bank was trying to unload
“several billion dollars” in loans it had made to hedge funds. If
true, “this marks a startling watershed for the financial system.”
Bankers had become “ultracreative… in their efforts to slice, dice
and redistribute risk, at this time of easy liquidity.” Low-interest
rates, Avinash Persaud, one of the gurus of finance concluded, had
led investors to use borrowed money to play the markets, and “a
painful deleveraging is as inevitable as night follows day…. The
only question is its timing.” There was no way that hedge funds,
which had become precociously intricate in seeking safety, could
avoid a reckoning and “forced to sell their most liquid
investments.” “I will not bet on that happy outcome,” the
Financial Times’ chief expert concluded in surveying some
belated attempts to redeem the hedge funds from their own follies.
A great deal of money went from
investors in rich nations into emerging market stocks, which have
been especially hard-hit in the past weeks, and if they (leave then
the financial shock will be great -- the dangers of a meltdown exist
there too.
Problems are structural, such as the
greatly increasing corporate debt loads to core earnings, which have
grown substantially from four to six times over the past year
because there are fewer legal clauses to protect investors from loss
–- and keep companies from going bankrupt when they should. So long
as interest rates have been low, leveraged loans have been the
solution. With hedge funds and other financial instruments, there is
now a market for incompetent, debt-ridden firms. The rules some once
erroneously associated with capitalism -- probity and the like -- no
longer hold.
Problems are also inherent in speed
and complexity, and these are very diverse and almost surrealist.
Credit derivatives are precarious enough, but at the end of May the
International Swaps and Derivatives Association revealed that one in
every five deals, many of them involving billions of dollars,
involved major errors – as the volume of trade increased, so did
errors. They doubled in the period after 2004. Many deals were
recorded on scraps of paper and not properly recorded.
“Unconscionable” was Alan Greenspan’s description. He was “frankly
shocked.” Other trading, however, is determined by mathematical
algorithm (“volume-weighted average price,” it is called) for which
PhDs trained in quantitative methods are hired. Efforts to remedy
this mess only began in June of this year, and they are very far
from resolving a major and accumulated problem that involves
stupendous sums.
Stephen Roach, Morgan Stanley’s
chief economist, on April 24 of this year wrote that a major
financial crisis was in the offing and that the global institutions
to forestall it– ranging from the IMF and World Bank to other
mechanisms of the international financial architecture – were
utterly inadequate. Hong Kong’s chief secretary in early June
deplored the hedge funds’ risks and dangers. The IMF’s iconoclastic
chief economist, Raghuram Rajan, at the same time warned that the
hedge funds’ compensation structure encouraged those in charge of
them to increasingly take risks, thereby endangering the whole
financial system. By late June, Roach was even more pessimistic: “a
certain sense of anarchy” dominated the academic and political
communities, and they were “unable to explain the way the new world
is working.” In its place, mystery prevailed. Reality was out of
control.
The entire global financial
structure is becoming uncontrollable in crucial ways its nominal
leaders never expected, and instability is increasingly its
hallmark. Financial liberalization has produced a monster, and
resolving the many problems that have emerged is scarcely possible
for those who deplore controls on those who seek to make money –
whatever means it takes to do so. The Bank for International
Settlements’ annual report, released June 26, discusses all these
problems and the triumph of predatory economic behavior and trends
“difficult to rationalize.” The sharks have outfoxed the more
conservative bankers. “Given the complexity of the situation and the
limits of our knowledge, it is extremely difficult to predict how
all this might unfold.” The BIS (does not want its fears to cause a
panic, and circumstances compel it to remain on the side of those
who are not alarmist. But it now concedes that a big “bang” in the
markets is a possibility, and it sees “several market-specific
reasons for a concern about a degree of disorder.” We are “currently
not in a situation” where a meltdown is likely to occur but
“expecting the best but planning for the worst” is still prudent.
For a decade, it admits, global economic trends and “financial
imbalances” have created increasing dangers, and “understanding how
we got to where we are is crucial in choosing policies to reduce
current risks.” The BIS is very worried.
Given such profound and widespread
pessimism, the vultures from the investment houses and banks have
begun to position themselves to profit from the imminent business
distress – a crisis they see as a matter of timing rather than
principle. Investment banks since the beginning of 2006 have vastly
expanded their loans to leveraged buy-outs, pushing commercial banks
out of a market they once dominated. To win a greater share of the
market, they are making riskier deals and increasing the danger of
defaults among highly leveraged firms. There is now a growing
consensus among financial analysts that defaults will increase
substantially in the very near future. But because there is money to
be made, experts in distressed debt and restructuring companies in
or near bankruptcy are in greater demand. Goldman Sachs has just
hired one of Rothschild’s stars in restructuring. All the factors
which make for crashes – excessive leveraging, rising interest
rates, etc. – exist, and those in the know anticipate that companies
in difficulty will be in a much more advanced stage of trouble when
investment banks enter the picture. But this time they expect to
squeeze hedge funds out of the potential profits because they have
more capital to play with.
Contradictions now wrack the world’s
financial system, and a growing consensus now exists between those
who endorse it and those, like myself, who believe the status quo is
both crisis-prone as well as immoral. If we are to believe the
institutions and personalities who have been in the forefront of the
defense of capitalism, and we should, it may very well be on the
verge of serious crises.
Gabriel Kolko is
the leading historian of modern warfare. He is the author of the
classic
Century of War: Politics, Conflicts and Society Since 1914 and
Another Century of War?. He has also written the best history of
the Vietnam War,
Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the US and the Modern Historical
Experience. His latest book,
The Age of War, was published in March 2006.
He can be reached at:
kolko@counterpunch.org